Portrayal of Sexual Violence in the Media and Increases in Violent Behavior
Pornography: Primer, Cause or Correlation?

09/19/05
John Doe

Introduction
     
     The effects of media violence on aggression have been well documented.  Therefore, in this paper I have decided to focus on a specific form of media and its influence on a specific type of aggression.  The influence chose is that of the erotic media or pornography.  The type of aggression is that of sexual violence against women.  The question that this paper will attempt to answer is, “What is the influence of sexually explicit films, books, magazines and internet sites on sexual violence?”  Many may be willing to concede that pornography is degrading to women but many may also be reluctant in asserting its ability to actually increase violent behaviors.
     Similar to the accumulated data regarding media violence and aggression, in recent years there has also been considerable research done on this topic.  A large majority of it has been based on hypotheses that the portrayal of sexual violence increases sexual violence through imitation, desensitization, and/or the association of sexual pleasure and violence.  However, before we can begin a discussion of this research we must first define what is meant by pornography and sexual violence.
     Pornography is typically defined by as visual, written, or auditory material intended to create sexual excitement (Cassell & Bernstein, 2001).  Similarly, the Center for Disease Control defines Sexual violence as “a sex act completed or attempted against a victim's will or when a victim is unable to consent due to age, illness, disability, or the influence of alcohol or other drugs.” It may involve actual or threatened physical force, use of guns or other weapons, coercion, intimidation or pressure. Sexual violence also includes intentional touching of the genitals, anus, groin, or breast against a victim's will or when a victim is unable to consent, as well as voyeurism, exposure to exhibitionism, or undesired exposure to pornography.”  Both definitions appear adequate for out discussion as they provide a general reflection of the ways in which such terms are commonly referred to within the various studies.

History

     As previously stated, much of the research has been prompted by the observed increases in violent crimes between 1960 and the 1990s and has attempted to answer the question as to why this is occurring.  Some have pointed to the use of alcohol, the increased growth of individualism, the decline of two-parent household, the increased use of explicit drugs as the culprits to these observations and the increased availability of media which portrays sexuality and sexual violence.  Although this paper will not attempt to refute the effects of any of these possible influences, it will focus on an examination of the latter one.
     In part, this focus is based upon the extensive nature and pervasiveness of pornography.  Schlosser (2003) reports that, in the United States, pornography as a business earns more money than professional football, baseball, and basketball combined.  When calculating the combined profits of cable and satellite networks, videos and video rentals, internet sites, magazines and phone sex lines, a staggering $10 billion profit is realized (National Research Council, 2002).  Banfield and McCabe (2001) further demonstrated the early prevalence of pornography in a survey of college students.  57 percent of men and 35 percent of women admitted to having sought out sex related internet sites.
     Not only does the mere prevalence of pornography pose a problem, but the nature of some of the more sexually violent depictions are also disturbing to many social-psychologists.  For instance, a typical example of a violent sexual interaction would begin with a man forcing himself on a woman.  She then resists, but he persists and both become aroused and express pleasure and satisfaction.  C. Everett Koop (1987) stated that, “Pornography that portrays sexual aggression as pleasurable for the victim increases the acceptance of the use of coercion in sexual relations.”
     This paper will briefly discuss research in this area while also formulating possible theories which the research supports.  It is believed that a strong case will be made for the existence of a correlational relationship between pornography (especially those depicting violence associated with sexual pleasure) and sexual violence.  The reasons for this type of relationship, or the lack thereof will then be discussed.

Research

     Numerous correlational studies suggest that pornography contributes to men’s aggression towards women.  One study examined the relationship between rates of rape and the availability of pornography around the world.  John Court (1985) noted this relationship in all areas, except those where pornography had extensive controls placed on it (i.e. Japan).   For example, the number of reported rapes in Hawaii rose nine fold during the introduction of pornography to the islands.  During the imposition of restraints, the rape rates dropped.  However, when these restraints were lifted reported rapes once again increased.  Although a compelling example, Court’s research also reports that in some countries, like Japan, violent pornography has been introduced and yet the reported rapes and other rates of sexual violence towards women, remains low.  This may simply demonstrate the fact that the presence of sexually violent pornography does not by itself produce violence and that there may be many other influences also at work in this type of behavior.
     Larry Baron and Murray Strauss (1984) studied the relationship between the sales of sexually explicit magazines (e.g. Playboy) and the rates of rape in the 50 U.S. states. They reported that even after attempting to control for other factors such as population, and the number of males and females in each state, the sale of these sexually explicit magazines positively correlated to the rates of rape and sexual violence.  Interestingly enough, Alaska ranked first in explicit sexually oriented magazine sales and first in rape rates per capita.  Contrary to an explanation that this may be due the low population of Alaska or its geographical location, Nevada was second in both areas.
     Beyond these two studies, the correlations between these two variables have been extensively researched.  However, the simple fact that a correlation exists, does not necessarily imply, as stated in our introduction, that one causes the other.  Therefore, I would next like to review some of the studies and experiments which have been performed to examine the effects of viewing sexually explicit materials on both beliefs and behaviors.
     In a study by Check and Malamuth (1983), audiences were shown one of three different movies used.  One movie depicted women as victims of sexual violence, another of women as victims of nonerotic aggression, and finally neutral films.  The results demonstrated that repeated exposure (over days and weeks) to the sexually violent films resulted in the subjects reduced beliefs that the material was in fact violent and degrading and also (and perhaps most disturbing) in abridged support and lowered sympathy for the victim.
     In a separate study (Donnerstein, 1980), male University of Wisconsin students were asked to again watch one of three movies.  One movie was considered neutral in its content.  The second movie had an erotic theme, while the third movie was considered a sexually aggressive or “rape” film.  The subjects were then requested to, as part of a supposedly different study, teach either a male or female subject (confederates) by choosing how much shock should be delivered as a form of positive punishment for incorrect answers.  The results indicated that the men who had viewed the sexually aggressive movie administered much higher levels of shock.  When the target of the supposed shock was a female, this difference in shock administration was especially evident.
      
Research Conclusions

     Even with studies like those previously discussed, it seems limited conclusions can be drawn.  Although the correlational observations between the two variables, in some cases, appear quite convincing, accepting even a strong correlation as causation would be an error in judgment.  By definition, a correlation limits us to only considering, typically, one of three possible relationships.  The first is that X causes Y to occur (i.e. violent pornography results in sexual aggression).  The second possibility is that Y leads to X (i.e. sexually aggressive men are drawn to the use of pornography).  And finally, it is possible that there is some lurking variable, Z, that leads to the occurrence of both X and Y (i.e. alcohol leads to both aggression and a desire to use pornography).
     Although the experiments which also support this hypothesis, may provide a more compelling argument for the existence of this relationship, there still appear limitations to announcing implying a causal relationship.  One such limitation is the inability of researchers to control all possible variables.  For instance, the possibility that subjects may become aware of the study’s expected outcome which may then bias there behavior is a consideration which should be considered.  It is also worth noting that many of the experiments were only able to demonstrate a short-term effect in behaviors or attitudes.  Although this short-term relationship may support the hypothesis that the violence is a result of increased arousal and that as the arousal fades so does the behaviors and attitudes, it does not lend evidence to the belief that the violence is due to modeling or desensitization. 
     Another obvious issue is the mere fact that even though pornography has become a pervasive part of our culture, and given the large scale of the business, not all men who use it become sexually aggressive.  In fact, Arndt, Foehl, & Good (1985) report that the use of force in sexual relationships is not a common theme reported by most men.  In fact, they state that most men report fantasies about consensual sex. Similarly, examples exists, such as in Japan, where the introduction of violent pornography did not result in increased rates of sexual violence thereby limit the belief in a one dimensional cause-and-effect relationship.
     Therefore, although the effects of pornography and violent pornography have become a popular topic for research, it appears unfair to imply a cause and effect relationship.  However, just because sexually violent pornography is neither a sufficient nor necessary condition with which to elicit sexual violence, a contributive relationship does appear clear.  As discussed within this course, aggression itself is a complex behavior, often determined by a multitude of variables.  Sexual violence does not appear to be an exception to this rule.

Suggestions

     An initial and perhaps overly simplistic suggestion for reducing the possible effects of pornography and violent pornography is to limit its availability.  With the anecdotal evidence implying a relationship between early life exposure to pornography and criminal sexual behaviors later in life (Ressler et al., 1988), this limitation as it applies to children and adolescents would appear that much more important.  However, in an attempt to not appear overly naïve, I do understand that censorship of such materials is not only difficult, but nearly impossible.  Whether this is due to the large scale business aspect which pornography presents, the civil issues regarding freedom of speech, or the conflicting evidence noted within some of the studies, other possible reactions must also be developed.
     The internet provides another area of source of sexually violent materials which, in my opinion, is almost impossible to police.  Due to its worldwide nature, even if our government dedicated the resources necessary to police the content of those sites originating within the United States, like internet gambling, all that they would need to do is move off-shore.  However, I would recommend that the same enforcement efforts which go towards the investigation of child pornography also be used for sexually violent materials.  It is understood that before this could occur, stronger data may need to be available to make the necessary legislative changes needed to allow enforcement of this.  
     One response which has already been implemented is that of a rating system.  I do, however, believe that this system needs to be expanded concerning its use with pornography, so as to provide more specific information in regards to the levels of sexual violence.  The use of an X or XX does not provide information regarding specific content. 
     Perhaps the most promising suggestion for reducing the effect of violent pornography is that of a pornography awareness training campaign (Linz, Wilson & Donnerstein, 1992).  It would seem that if this type of pornography can create false perceptions, then these perceptions could be corrected through education.  Similarly, if the viewing of violence desensitizes us to that type of violence, educating men regarding women’s actual responses to coercion may hopefully resensitize them.  One may view this suggestion as also being naïve and Pollyannaish in nature.  However, education has had an effect on many different behaviors.  For instance, decreases in the number of smokers over the past 30 years did not come about because of a banning of cigarettes, but more likely, as a result of increased awareness and understanding of their negative effects.  Although this may be a comparison of apples to oranges, I believe it at least requires examination and consideration.

    
References

Arndt, W. B., Foehl, J.C., & Good, E. F. (1985). Specific sexual fantasy themes: A multidimensional study. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 28, 472 – 480.

Banfield, S. & McCabe, M.P. (2001). Extra relationship involvement among women: Are they different from men? Archives of Sexual Behavior, 30, 119 – 142.

Baron, S. & Strauss, M.A. (1984). Sexual stratification, pornography, and rape in the United States. In N.M. Malamuth & E. Donnerstein (Eds.), Pornography and sexual aggression. New York: Academic Press.

Cassel, E. & Bernstein, D. A. (2001). Criminal Behavior. Needham Heights, MA.: Allyn & Bacon.

Centers for Disease Control. (2003). National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Intimate Partner Violence: Fact Sheet.
      http://www.cdc.gov/ncipc/fact_book/24_Sexual_Violence.htm

Check, J. V. & Malamuth, N. M. (1983). Sex role stereotyping and reactions to depictions of stranger versus acquaintance rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 45, 344 – 356.

Court, J.H. (1985). Sex and violence: A ripple effect. In N.M. Malamuth & E. Donnerstein (Eds.), Pornography and sexual aggression. New York: Academic Press.

Donnerstein, E. (1980). Aggressive erotica and violence against women. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 39, 269 – 277.

Koop, C.E. (1987). Report of the Surgeon General’s workshop on pornography and public health. American Psychologist, 42, 944 – 945. 

Linz, D., Wilson, B.J., & Donnerstein, E. (1992).  Sexual violence in the mass media: Legal solutions, warnings, and mitigation through education. Journal of Social Issues, 48, 145 – 171.

National Research Council (2002). Youth, pornography and the Internet. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press.

Ressler, R.K., Burgess, A.W., & Douglas, J.E. (1988). Sexual Homicide Patterns. Boston: Lexington Books.

Schlosser, E. (2003, March 10). Empire of the obscene. New Yorker, pp. 61 – 71.